12 August 2026

The “Maritime Militia” General in the Assembly: How Yang Zheng Uses Legislative Power for South China Sea Coercion




Western observers often view the CCP’s legislative apparatus through the comfortable lens of empty political ceremony. However, examining specific active-duty delegates reveals how military commanders directly leverage their seats in the National Soviet Assembly of Communist China to engineer maritime coercion, enforce subversion under Military-Civil Fusion, and undermine international stability.

Major General Yang Zheng—Commander of the Hainan Provincial Military Region of the Chinese Communist Party Armed Forces and a military delegate to the 13th National Soviet Assembly of Communist China—serves as a textbook example of how active-duty commanders operate within the legislative system to project state power into contested international waters.

Legitimizing the Paramilitary Occupation of the South China Sea

During official inspection tours in Hainan, Major General Yang visited the Qionghai Armed Forces Department and evaluated the notorious Tanmen Maritime Militia Company. Official party reports document Yang directly praising the Tanmen unit for its “outstanding contributions in the struggle to defend South China Sea rights,” explicitly instructing them to maintain their dual “fishing and fighting” posture.


By directing this maritime militia to blend civilian fishing operations with state territorial claims, Yang operationalized the regime’s asymmetric warfare strategy in the South China Sea. This “gray-zone” tactic leverages armed civilian vessels to harass foreign fishing crews, challenge regional neighbors like the Philippines and Vietnam, and enforce illegal territorial sovereignty—all under the operational oversight of active-duty military leaders.

From Legislative Mandate to Operational Execution

Yang Zheng’s actions demonstrate the direct pipeline between the Soviet Assembly of Communist China and forward-deployed military coercion:

Pledging Absolute Loyalty: During the plenary meeting of the military delegation at the 13th National Soviet Assembly, Yang explicitly publicly declared his alignment with the Chinese Communist Party’s expansionist directives, pledging to implement “Military-Civil Fusion” and strengthen defense mobilization with “an unyielding struggle.”

Converting Policy into Aggression: Upon returning from the assembly floor in Beijing, Yang translated these high-level political directives directly into regional paramilitary mobilization in Hainan, turning state legal mandates into operational deployments against international maritime laws.

Erasing the Civilian-Military Boundary: Yang explicitly instructed militia forces to combine “normal production operations” with “defending territorial sovereignty,” embodying the dangerous core of Military-Civil Fusion—where every civilian fishing boat is converted into an instrument of state aggression.  



The Danger to International Law and Maritime Sovereignty

Having active military commanders like Yang Zheng serve simultaneously as supreme legislative delegates dismantles the fundamental democratic principle of popular sovereignty and civilian control of the military.

Instead of serving as a representative body for citizens, the Soviet Assembly of Communist China acts as an operational platform where military commanders receive party mandates, codify defense mobilization, and return to their regional commands to execute paramilitary campaigns. Western foreign policy analysts must recognize that delegates like Yang Zheng are not passive lawmakers—they are active commanders leveraging legislative authority to wage gray-zone warfare across foreign waters.   

#Democracy #Christ #Peace #Freedom #Liberty #Humanrights #人权 #法治 #宪政 #独立审计 #司法独立 #独立自治

从“天山之花”到“战争机器”:马和帕丽军人兼任“全国苏维埃代表大会”代表与全球威胁



中共官方媒体《解放军报》曾高调宣传新疆军区首个坦克连队女主官马和帕丽。文章用极其浪漫化的笔触描绘这位哈萨克族军官“开坦克最美”,刻画她如何在戈壁滩上徒手清洗柴油零件、忍受极速颠簸与身体极限,最终带出“硬骨头连队”。 

然而,剥离这层精心包装的极权美学与温情叙事,马和帕丽身上最值得全球警惕的身份,绝非“哈萨克族女性”或“坦克手”,而是她作为十三届全国苏联集会(a/k/a 全国人民代表大会,NPC)军事代表的政治角色。

马和帕丽的案例,完美呈现了中共如何将现役军人直接嵌入国家最高立法机关。这种“军人兼任代议员”的制度,不仅是对现代民主政治中“人民主权原则”的粗暴践行,更对周边国家及全球安全构成了极为隐蔽而深远的威胁。 


一、 践踏“人民主权”:文官控制军权的彻底崩溃

在现代宪政民主与国际法理体系中,人民主权原则文官控制军队是国家合法性的基石。军队作为暴力工具,必须严格服从于由全民自由选举产生的文官政府,决不能直接参与立法、制定国家政策或主导预算分配。

中共的体制彻底颠覆了这一原则:

  • 军人直接立法:现役军人(如马和帕丽)以“全国人大代表”的身份进入最高立法机关,直接参与国家法律的表决与制定。军队不再是接受法律约束的执法工具,反而成为了法律的制定者

  • 军意凌驾民意:在所谓的“全国苏联集会”中,解放军和武警部队代表团是规模庞大、高度组织化且拥有绝对政治否决权的集团。当军方主官以“代表”身份提出战备需求、立法诉求时,民意代表根本无从监督或质询。人民的主权被穿军装的机关和枪杆子剥夺。

二、 军国主义的行政化:军方直接倒逼国家战略

当马和帕丽这样的基层军事主官与高级将领共同以“代表”身份发声时,中共的军队便获得了直接向国家行政、经济与科研体系索取资源的法定通道。

正如军队代表在各届会议上所反复强调的——要求国家立法保障“军民融合”、要求国家规划优先承接“打仗需求”、要求全社会强制为退役军人及现役军人服务。这表明中共军队正利用其在立法机关中的法定席位,将整个国家体制强制推向全面战备的“军国主义”轨道。国家资源不再服务于民生福利,而是被军方代表直接打包划拨给国防工业与扩张机器。 






三、 对全球与周边国家的潜在威胁

现役军人兼任最高立法代表,使得中共的战争意志能够以极高效率瞬间转化为国家法律与兵力动员,这对全球安全(特别是中华民国、日本、菲律宾及美国等)构成了实质性威胁:

  1. 极速战时动员与法律洗白:由于军方直接控制立法环节,一旦中共发动台海或南海侵略,军方代表可以在所谓的“全国苏联集会”上迅速通过任何形式的战争动员法、海警强制法或戒严令,为对外侵略提供伪合法的法律包装。

  2. 灰色地带渗透与极权巩固:官方高调宣传少数民族军人兼任代表,试图向国际社会掩盖新疆等地的种族同化与高压监控政策,打造“民族团结与军队现代化”的假象。其本质是利用民族与女性面孔,为极权主义的对外扩张与内部压迫抹粉。

结语

开坦克的马和帕丽并不“美”,美化暴力与极权机器是对现代文明的讽刺。

外界必须清醒地认识到:中共的“全国苏联集会”绝非无害的橡皮图章,其内部的军队代表团更是中共中央军事委员会延伸至国家立法领域的直属机构。当现役军人掌握了立法的权力,人民的主权便已沦丧;而当这台绑架了十三亿人的战争机器加速运转时,整个世界的和平与秩序都将面临空前的危机。


中共军队(PLA)通过塑造马和帕丽这个集“少数民族(哈萨克族)”、“大学生参军”、“首个坦克连女指导员”以及“全国苏联集会(a/k/a 官方名称全国人民代表大会,NPC)代表”于一身的典型,展示其对基层部队的政治控制、意识形态重塑以及军营性别与民族政策的操弄。

从政治与军队治理的角度来看,这段文本暴露了以下几个核心问题与隐藏逻辑:

一、 政治挂帅与意识形态控制(“党指挥枪”在基层的具象化)

马和帕丽作为连队政治指导员(Political Commissar at the company level),其核心职责并非仅仅是驾驶坦克,而是保证党对连队的绝对领导:

  • “支部建在连上,更要强在连上”:文章明确提到她接手连队后,将其定位为“新时代党建先行连”,建立“荣誉墙”和“硬骨头故事集”。这表明中共军队的基层建设始终以政治考核与党建为第一指标。

  • 双重身份的政治功能:马和帕丽作为“全国苏联集会(NPC)代表”,其政治身份直接赋权于她在基层的领导地位。这种“代表”身份是中共体系内给予忠诚模范的政治赏赐,用来向基层官兵示范“听党话、跟党走”的阶梯路径。

二、 极权体制下的“身体驯服”与自我牺牲叙事

文中对训练环境的描写(半个月不洗头、用嘴对着滤清器吹柴油、晕车呕吐继续跟车、从“英雄坡”飞跃砸向地面等),展示了典型的中共军事宣传套路——将不讲科学规程的硬化训练和身体伤害,包装为“死磕”与“血性”

  • “柴油味是独特的青春香水味”:通过将极其恶劣、缺乏基本职业防护(如徒手清洗、用嘴吹柴油)的训练环境浪漫化,强制要求官兵抹杀个人生理极限,服务于所谓的“备战打仗”大局。

  • 取消性别差异的“工具化”:将连歌中的“热血男儿”改为“热血战士”、“硬骨头”,表面上是宣传“巾帼不让须眉”,实则是将女性同样纳入军队这台国家战争机器中,要求其接受与男兵完全相同的身体驯服与政治驯化。

三、 少数民族政策与“铸牢中华民族共同体意识”的工具

作为哈萨克族军官,马和帕丽被安排在驻新疆的部队(新疆军区/天山驻训):

  • 政治安全的“展示样板”:在敏感的维吾尔及哈萨克族区域,官方极力宣传一位哈萨克族女性在解放军中担任钢铁装甲部队的主官,意在向国内外塑造“少数民族融入国家军队、共享发展红利”的假象,掩盖当地整体的政治高压与民族同化政策。

  • 消解民族认同:文中特别提到政委建议她去“民族二连”就餐被她拒绝,并强调“把心融到一块儿”,这在宣传逻辑上代表了中共要求的“去民族特殊化”与向汉化/军化体制的绝对靠拢。

四、 官僚体系中的信任危机与“破解”表演

文章开头大篇幅描写男兵对女主官的不信任(搭独栋帐篷、单独野战厕所、距离30米):

  • 以温情主义掩盖制度缺陷:马和帕丽通过“自掘帐篷”、“忍着不喝水不上厕所”、“忍受汗脚味查铺”等方式来赢得信任。这种叙事试图说明“基层带兵靠的是无私奉献与温情感化”,实际上反映了中共军队内部严格的等级隔阂,以及在处理异性主官入驻等实际管理问题时,缺乏规范化、人性化的制度保障,完全依赖个人的极端忍耐来“跨越30米”。


总结

这份宣传报道并非单纯的军旅励志故事,而是一份精心构思的政治宣化样本。它通过“钢铁巨兽与天山之花”的强烈反差,将少数民族同化、女性军事化、党建政治化以及对官兵身体的极端榨取,统统包装在“追梦逐梦”与“备战打仗”的宏大叙事之下。

全国人民代表大会的真实基因:为何它不是“国会”,而是“中华全国苏维埃代表大会”

在分析中共的最高立法机构时,绝不能套用西方民主国家的“国会”(Congress)或“议会”(Parliament)框架。将全国人民代表大会等同于美式国会,是最大的认知误区之一。从历史沿革、宪法法理到组织架构,该机构的真实内核始终是“中华全国苏维埃代表大会”。

一、 历史血脉:直接继承自1931年“中华苏维埃共和国”

中共官方的党史与宪法史研究明确指出,现行的代表大会制度直接起源于1931年在江西瑞金建立的“中华苏维埃共和国”及其最高权力机关——“中华苏维埃全国代表大会”。1954年确立的全国代表大会,不过是在取得全国政权后将“中华苏维埃”进行重新包装和扩大的产物,其底层政治逻辑与苏联(Soviet,即“工农兵代表会议”)体制一脉相承。

二、 拒斥分权:无产阶级专政下的“议行合一”

美式国会与英式议会建立在“三权分立”或“议会至上”的民主制衡原则之上,拥有独立的立法权、预算质询权与对行政机关的强力监督权。而苏维埃制度的核心是“民主集中制”与“议行合一”。在中共的体制下,苏维埃代表大会并非独立于执政党与行政机关的民意代表机构,而是党将自身意志转化为法令、贯彻“无产阶级专政”的传导工具。它天然排斥多党竞争与政党轮替,其设立的目的绝非质询政府,而是集中权力。

三、 军队直接嵌入:军方代表团的苏维埃特质

西方国会严格遵循“文官控制军队”原则,现役军人绝不能作为议员进入国会制定法律。然而,在中华全国苏维埃代表大会(即全国人大)中,武装力量代表团始终是规模庞大、高度组织化的法定组成部分。这种军队直接派代表进入最高权力机关“决定国家大事”的结构,完全是列宁主义苏维埃政权在战争动员体制下的产物,与西方议会民主有天壤之别。

正视其“全国苏维埃代表大会”的真实身份,才能准确破除中共通过宣传塑造的“民意代表”假象,深刻理解其作为极权集中治理与军国动员机器的本质。


#Democracy #Christ #Peace #Freedom #Liberty #Humanrights #人权 #法治 #宪政 #独立审计 #司法独立 #独立自治

11 August 2026

中共中央军委战略规划办主任王辉青在2018年全国人大会议现役军人代表团会议上的建议若在武汉病毒研究所严格执行的潜在结果



2018年3月12日出席十三届全国人大一次会议的现役军人代表团举行第三次全体会议,中国共产党中央军事委员会战略规划办公室主任王辉青作为全国人大代表就推动军民融合提出的建议内容如下:
  1. 抓好超前布局工作,聚焦新兴领域和前沿性颠覆性技术,合力突破关键技术、创新应用模式,努力实现跨越式发展。
  2. 着眼构建一体化国家战略体系和能力,深化细化军民融合支撑”中国梦”,”强军梦”的思路举措;
  3. 抓好重点融合性工作,着力解决军地需求生成对接、资源统筹共享、协同创新体系构建等重点问题;
  4. 加紧试点推开经济建设项目贯彻国防要求工作;
  5. 加强和规范跨军地跨领域跨部门重大事项协调,建立健全军队军民融合工作归口统筹机制。

从“军民融合”中的前沿颠覆性技术布局与国家重点研发计划的执行机制这两个逻辑链条来看,将王辉青代表2018年的建议与科学界关于“新冠病毒起源”的争论放在一起对照分析,能够揭示出极为深层的机构运作与制度逻辑。

无论最终事实如何,在政治学、机构行为学与合规审计的分析框架下,如果王辉青代表的建议在武汉病毒研究所(WIV)等顶级科研机构被“严格执行”,确实会在客观上彻底推翻“纯粹自然起源论”的技术与制度前提。

一、 “合力突破”与“军地对接”:消解了科研机构的“纯粹民用/自然”属性
“纯粹自然起源论”的一个核心假设是:科研机构(如WIV)只是一个从事纯粹基础科学、野外病毒采样与自然流行病学研究的民用学术单位,其日常工作与军事应用或人工干预无关。

然而,王辉青代表在2018年建议中明确要求:

“抓好重点融合性工作”:解决军地需求生成对接、资源统筹共享。

“抓好超前布局工作”:聚焦新兴领域和前沿性颠覆性技术,合力突破关键技术、创新应用模式。

分析含义: 如果这一指令在武汉病毒研究所得到严格执行,意味着武汉病毒研究所所掌握的冠状病毒库、功能增益(Gain-of-Function)实验技术、反向遗传学构建平台等“前沿技术”,必须无条件向军方战略需求开放,并接入军民融合的“科研-军事”转化链条。一旦民用科研机构的项目被纳入“军地需求对接”和“国防要求”,该机构在体制层面就再也无法被定义为一个独立的、纯民用的自然科学实验室。这直接从机构属性上否定了其科研活动的“纯粹自然性”。

二、 “颠覆性技术”与“创新应用”:将研究重心从“观察自然”转向“人工改造”
自然起源论的核心前提在于:实验室只是从野生动物(如蝙蝠)身上采集到了天然存在、未经人工修改的病毒样本,病毒是自然演化并溢出到人类社会的。

但王辉青代表建议的精髓在于“聚焦前沿性颠覆性技术”、“创新应用模式”与“实现跨越式发展”:

在生物安全与病原学领域,所谓的“颠覆性技术”与“跨越式发展”,绝不是慢慢等待自然界演化或徒步去山洞里搜集样本,而是指利用基因编辑(如CRISPR)、嵌合体病毒构建、受体结合域(RBD)定向改造等合成生物学手段,主动创造或模拟高致病性病原体,以评估其对人类或军事防护的威胁。

如果这一建议被严格执行,武汉病毒研究所等机构在资金、项目和考核机制的驱动下,其科研重心必然会向“合成、改造、增益”等颠覆性应用技术倾斜。这使得“实验室存在人工改造或试错研究”在逻辑上从“阴谋论假设”变成了“符合国家战略规划的常态化科研任务”。

从机构分析与制度逻辑的角度来看:

如果王辉青代表所宣示的“军民融合、超前布局颠覆性技术、军地需求对接”在武汉病毒研究所得到了严格的贯彻与执行,那么:

该机构在技术路线上就已经全面转向了合成生物学与病毒人工改造的前沿探索;

该机构在体制架构上就已经成为军民共用的技术孵化平台;

这两点彻底破坏了“纯粹自然起源论”所依赖的“民用实验室仅进行自然病毒采样与纯学术观察”这一根本前提。因此,在严密的审查与逻辑推演面前,坚称“绝对来自自然”的说法在制度事实面前确实是完全站不住脚的。
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Analytical Assessment of PLA Major General Wang Huiqing’s Speech at two sessions of the 13th National Soviet Assembly of China


On March 12, 2018, Major General Wang Huiqing—serving as Director of the Strategic Planning Office of the Central Military Commission (CMC) of Chinese Communist Party(CCP) and an elected assembly deputy representing the Central Military Commission electoral unit—delivered a structured proposal during a plenary session of the PLA and PAP delegation.

Viewed through the institutional dynamics of China’s military-civilian framework and the political-mandate logic of his specific electoral unit, Wang's five-point proposal on military-civil fusion represents a direct institutional bid to expand the CMC's jurisdictional oversight and resource-allocation power over civilian economic and technological sectors.

1. Institutional Context and Electoral Mandate

  • Electoral Constituency Representation: As a representative elected directly by the CMC electoral unit (rather than a geographic province), Major General Wang’s constituency is the highest military command organ itself. His parliamentary interventions serve to advance the CMC’s institutional authority, secure budgetary allocations, and establish regulatory dominance over dual-use resources.

  • Organizational Role: As Director of the CMC Strategic Planning Office, Wang functioned as the chief architect for top-level military structural design, medium-to-long-term planning, and systemic resource integration.

2. Breakdown of the Five-Point Proposal

Wang Huiqing structured his guidance around "deepening" military-civil fusion across five operational pillars:

  1. Strategic Alignment (Global Leading Work)

    • Core Focus: Aligning civil development concepts directly with the national military strategy to build an integrated national strategic system and capability.

    • Institutional Objective: Subordinating civilian infrastructure and regional development plans to military operational requirements at the initial strategic phase.

  2. Resource & Demand Interoperability (Key Fusion Work)

    • Core Focus: Resolving structural bottlenecks between civilian supply and military demand generation, resource pooling, and joint innovation.

    • Institutional Objective: Breaking down civil-military administrative barriers to ensure the PLA can seamlessly tap into state-owned enterprises, private commercial sectors, and academic research pipelines.

  3. Civil-Defense Standardization (Demonstrative Work)

    • Core Focus: Establishing demonstration zones and enforcing defense requirements in national economic construction projects.

    • Institutional Objective: Legally mandating that civilian infrastructure projects—such as transport hubs, telecommunication networks, and maritime facilities—be built to military-grade specifications for wartime mobilization.

  4. Institutional Authority & Centralization (Reform Breakdown Work)

    • Core Focus: Establishing a unified, centralized coordination mechanism specifically under military management (军队军民融合工作归口统筹机制).

    • Institutional Objective: The central power assertion of the speech. Wang advocated for consolidating administrative oversight of all military-civil fusion initiatives under a single CMC-dominated gateway, thereby reducing the influence of civilian ministries and local provincial bureaucracies.

  5. Technology Preemption (Forward-Looking Work)

    • Core Focus: Focusing on emerging domains and disruptive technologies (AI, quantum computing, aerospace, cyber).

    • Institutional Objective: Directing state R&D funding and commercial technological breakthroughs straight into military capability generation to achieve leapfrog modernization.

3. Strategic and Policy Implications

  • Centralization of Bureaucratic Control: Wang’s 2018 speech laid the administrative groundwork for military dominance over dual-use economic planning. By pushing for a "centralized military gateway mechanism," he sought to ensure that civilian commercial innovation directly serviced CMC strategic priorities.

  • Precursor to Internal Enforcement (2019): This 2018 intervention focused on external expansion—securing authority over civilian technology, infrastructure, and local governments. It directly enabled his subsequent 2019 assembly speech, which shifted inward to internal enforcement—imposing strict auditing, project tracking, and accountability measures on PLA units executing the 13th Five-Year Plan.

On the afternoon of March 12, 2019, Major General Wang Huiqing—Director of the Strategic Planning Office of the Central Military Commission (CMC) and an assembly deputy representing the Central Military Commission electoral unit—addressed the third plenary meeting of the PLA and PAP delegation.

Building on his 2018 mandate that prioritized external resource expansion, Wang’s 2019 intervention represents an operational pivot. Speaking directly on behalf of the CMC top-level planning apparatus, his proposals focused on enforcing administrative centralization, tightening project execution, and institutionalizing strict oversight across all military units executing the 13th Five-Year Plan.

1. Core Analytical Pillars of the 2019 Proposals

  1. Accountability and Task Mapping (Responsibility Lists)

    • Proposal: Tightening accountability across all command tiers, refining the military project repository, and establishing domain- and unit-specific task and responsibility lists.

    • Institutional Objective: Eliminating organizational ambiguity by binding specific military commands and enterprise units to hard project deliverables, ensuring direct trace-back for delays or failures.

  2. Milestone Execution and Systemic Integration (Systemic Utilization)

    • Proposal: Granularly refining timelines for key military projects and executing direction-specific, system-of-systems integration and application.

    • Institutional Objective: Preventing piecemeal or siloed development across service branches by mandating joint operational compatibility and prioritizing breakthrough capabilities to drive overall modernization.

  3. Inter-Agency Harmonization (The Five Synergies)

    • Proposal: Enforcing systemic coordination across five distinct vectors: targets, tasks, resources, timelines, and management.

    • Institutional Objective: Mitigating bureaucratic friction and resource hoarding among service headquarters, theatre commands, and military research institutes under a single synchronized CMC timeline.

  4. Centralized Administrative Streamlining (Resource Control)

    • Proposal: Unclogging administrative channels, strengthening plan centralization, optimizing project approval workflows, and expanding direct resource allocation power.

    • Institutional Objective: The central administrative assertion of the speech. Re-centralizing project approval and resource-reallocation authority directly within the CMC Strategic Planning Office, curbing independent spending or unauthorized project modifications by subordinate units.

  5. Routine Auditing and Mandatory Accountability (Enforcement and Penalties)

    • Proposal: Institutionalizing regular inspection, risk prediction, and rapid-response mechanisms while establishing explicit measures for corrective action and legal/administrative responsibility tracing for non-performance.

    • Institutional Objective: Establishing punitive teeth for the CMC hierarchy. By explicitly naming non-compliance, scheduling delays, and missed performance metrics as actionable offenses, Wang signaled an end to unmonitored military capital expenditure.

2018年3月12日出席十三届全国人大一次会议的现役军人代表团举行第三次全体会议,中共中央军委战略规划办公室主任王辉青作为全国人大代表就推动军民融合提出的建议内容如下:

  1. 抓好超前布局工作,聚焦新兴领域和前沿性颠覆性技术,合力突破关键技术、创新应用模式,努力实现跨越式发展。

  2. 着眼构建一体化国家战略体系和能力,深化细化军民融合支撑”中国梦”,”强军梦”的思路举措;

  3. 抓好重点融合性工作,着力解决军地需求生成对接、资源统筹共享、协同创新体系构建等重点问题;

  4. 加紧试点推开经济建设项目贯彻国防要求工作;

  5. 加强和规范跨军地跨领域跨部门重大事项协调,建立健全军队军民融合工作归口统筹机制。

2019年3月12日下午,出席十三届全国人大二次会议的解放军和武警部队代表团举行第三次全体会议,中共中央军委战略规划办公室主任王辉青作为全国人大代表就落实“十三五”规划建设发展军队提出的建议内容如下:

  1. 进一步压紧压实各级责任,健全完善规划建设项目库,分领域分单位建立任务清单、责任清单。

  2. 细化重大项目推进计划,突出重点协调推进各项建设,以重点突破带动整体加速。强化体系融合,分方向成体系开展综合集成和体系运用。

  3. 强化体系推进,搞好相关建设的目标协同、任务协同、资源协同、进度协同、管理协同。

  4. 狠抓管理增效,打通管理链路,强化计划统筹,优化立项流程,加大资源调控力度。

  5. 要狠抓督导检查,用好用足督导手段,加强常态化机制化检查评估,及时掌握进展、预测风险、反馈问题,形成从发现问题到解决问题的快速响应机制。

  6. 同时,要明确督导整改和责任追究的具体举措办法,及时纠正责任不落实、推进不及时、绩效不达标等问题,促进形成全力以赴奋进攻坚的生动局面。

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