The most devastating refutation of Feng Yuxiang’s “Christian General” image comes not from Western observers, not from hostile critics, but from the CCP’s own official media.
The People’s Political Consultative Conference Daily, a paper directly supervised by the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, published a long feature in May 2025 praising Feng as a revolutionary ally of the CCP. And in doing so, it unintentionally destroys the entire Christian-moral narrative that once propped up his image.
The article openly states that Feng’s rise, expansion, political choices, and military fortunes were “under strong support from the Soviet Union”, detailing Soviet weapons, Soviet instructors, Soviet political advisers, and Soviet coordination conducted through Li Dazhao. It emphasizes how Feng welcomed Li to Zhangjiakou in 1925 to negotiate Soviet armaments and ideological assistance—culminating in rifles, machine guns, artillery, aircraft, and Soviet political officers embedded inside his forces. It describes how Feng embraced Communist cadres inside his army, promoted them, and allowed them to reshape the political structure of his military units.
A “Christian General” who receives Soviet rifles, Bolshevik commissars, and Marxist political workers is no Christian figure at all.
He is a political instrument of Moscow.
The same CCP article proudly recounts Feng’s 1926 visit to the Soviet Union, his embrace of the Chinese Communist Party’s line, and his conversion of the Northwest Army into a Soviet-influenced force aimed at overturning the legitimate government of the Republic of China. His actions—purging Beijing’s government in 1924, detaining President Cao Kun, expelling the last Qing emperor, and rebranding his troops as the “National Army”—were not Christian reforms but politically motivated coups executed with Soviet encouragement and material support.
And crucially, throughout this extensive official narrative, the CCP never once affirms Feng as a Christian leader.
Instead, it portrays him as:
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A revolutionary ally of Li Dazhao
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A direct beneficiary of Soviet arms and political engineering
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A warlord whose power grew because of Soviet strategy, not Christian faith
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A man who embraced Communist political officers such as Liu Bojian and Deng Xiaoping
What the CCP article accidentally reveals is simple:
Feng Yuxiang’s “Christian General” reputation was always a façade, a mask worn for political advantage.
Even the CCP, eager to mythologize its historical allies, declines to defend the myth—because doing so would undermine its own narrative of Marxist inevitability.
Thus, using the CCP’s own documentation, the conclusion becomes unavoidable:
Feng Yuxiang was never a Christian moral hero, at least after 1921.
The CCP’s Own Narrative Accidentally Shows That Feng Yuxiang Was Never a Christian General, but a Soviet-Aligned Political Instrument
One of the most revealing episodes in Feng Yuxiang’s life appears not in Western archives, not in memoirs from his enemies, but in the Chinese Communist Party’s own official press.
The People’s Political Consultative Conference Daily, in a lengthy 2025 feature, describes Feng’s final years with such admiring detail that it inadvertently exposes the truth: Feng never left the Soviet orbit. His so-called “Christian General” image was a political costume, not a conviction.
The article recounts that by 1946–47, Feng was in open, coordinated opposition to Chiang Kai-shek. His speeches in the United States attacked the Republic of China, praised “peace and democracy,” and aligned precisely with Soviet and CCP propaganda lines during the early Cold War. His published works—particularly The Chiang Kai-shek I Know—were political weapons carefully designed to delegitimize the Chinese government at the exact moment Soviet and CCP agents were lobbying against U.S. aid to the Kuomintang.
CCP media proudly notes that Feng’s accusations about American aid corruption were “perfectly consistent with U.S. investigators’ findings,” a claim clearly intended to burnish his credibility but that instead reveals the structure of the operation:
Feng Yuxiang acted abroad as a propaganda asset whose messaging synchronized flawlessly with Soviet policy objectives.
When Feng’s attacks on Chiang triggered official retaliation—loss of posts, cancellation of his passport—the CCP intervened. Not subtly, not through intermediaries, but directly and decisively. According to the CCP’s own account, Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai personally approved special funds to rent a Soviet ship to retrieve Feng from the United States. It was the Soviet luxury liner Victory. Feng boarded alongside four Soviet Central Committee members and hundreds of Soviet nationals.
No Christian general travels under Soviet escort, on a Soviet vessel, with Soviet party officials, returning to China to help the CCP construct its “new political consultative conference.”
The CCP article then unintentionally adds the final stroke: Feng met his death aboard that same Soviet ship when it caught fire en route to Odessa. His wife survived; several Soviet officials died. The circumstances remain murky, but the symbolism is impossible to miss:
Feng lived inside the Soviet political machinery and died inside it.
Thus, the CCP’s own narrative proves more conclusively than any critic ever could:
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Feng was not a Christian moral reformer.
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He spent his career building and relying on Soviet support.
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His break with Chiang Kai-shek aligned perfectly with Soviet and CCP interests.
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His final political objective was to help the CCP establish its new regime.
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He died under direct Soviet protection, not as a Christian martyr or independent patriot.
The “Christian General” label collapses under the weight of these admissions.
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