In Western democracies, parliamentary representatives are chosen directly by the citizens of their respective geographic regions. However, within China’s legislative system, a significant, powerful bloc of lawmakers answers to a completely different constituency: the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the People's Liberation Army (PLA).
Among the 808 delegates of the 13th Jiangsu Provincial People’s Congress (serving from 2018 to 2023), 30 "Gun-Barrel" (Qiangganzi) delegates represented the military and paramilitary apparatus. Among them stood Gao Xun (高汛), a high-ranking military official whose political appointment exposes the mechanics of how the CCP maintains absolute control over local governance, state legislatures, and strategic military assets.
中共国江苏省第13届人大代表808名中也有枪杆子代表，30名，覆盖2018到2023年度，其中江苏省人大代表高汛是中国人民解放军联勤保障部队的无锡联勤保障中心政委。无锡联勤保障中心下辖舟山蝙蝠冠状病毒搜集与分离机构东部战区疾病预防控制中心原南京军区军事医学研究所 https://t.co/DLUoh6JSuK
Among the 808 delegates to the 13th Jiangsu Provincial People's Congress of the People's Republic of China, 30 are military representatives, covering the period from 2018 to 2023. One of these delegates, Gao Xun, is the political commissar of the Wuxi Joint Logistics Support Center of the PLA Joint Logistics Support Force. The Wuxi Joint Logistics Support Center oversees the Zhoushan Bat Coronavirus Collection and Isolation Center, the Eastern Theater Command Disease Control and Prevention Center,ie the former Nanjing Military Command's Military Medical Research Institute.
— CPA Jim (@CPAJim2021) June 3, 2026
The following 30 deputies were elected by Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) units stationed in Jiangsu Province to serve in the 13th Jiangsu Provincial People's Congress:
- Wang Jundong (王军东)
- Wang Jialiang (王家梁)
- Qiu Zhijun (仇志军)
- Ye Shaojun (叶少军)
- Xu Xiaoyun (许晓云)
- Sun Zhanxiu (孙湛修)
- Li Shao (李少)
- Li Kerang (李克让)
- Yan Wenyuan (严文缘)
- Zhang Xuejie (张学杰)
- Chen Wenwei (陈文炜)
- Chen Jinchao (陈进朝)
- Zhou Daolei (周道雷)
- Fang Yiwang (房益旺)
- Xiang Hong (相红, female)
- Hu Yaoxing (胡尧兴)
- Hu Jiayou (胡家友)
- Li Bin (郦斌)
- Zhao Tiehai (赵铁海)
- Yuan Shibin (袁士彬)
- Gao Xun (高汛)
- Cao Yin (曹寅)
- Cao Xinmin (曹新民)
- Chang Xinsheng (常新生)
- Tu Jinshi (屠金仕)
- Han Tao (韩涛)
- Miao Yi (缪毅)
- Fan Xintai (樊新太)
- Ju Xin (鞠鑫)
- Dai Xuezhi (戴学志)
These deputies were not elected through municipal or civilian electoral units. Instead, they were elected by PLA units stationed in Jiangsu Province, pursuant to the Measures of the Chinese People's Liberation Army for Electing Deputies to the National People's Congress and Local People's Congresses at or Above the County Level, and occupied 30 of the 808 seats in the 13th Jiangsu Provincial People's Congress.
Announcement of the Standing Committee of the Jiangsu Provincial People's Congress
The 13th Jiangsu Provincial People's Congress was composed of 808 deputies.
In accordance with the Election Law of the People's Republic of China for the National People's Congress and Local People's Congresses at All Levels, the Measures of the Chinese People's Liberation Army for Electing Deputies to the National People's Congress and Local People's Congresses at or Above the County Level, and the Decision of the 32nd Meeting of the Standing Committee of the 12th Jiangsu Provincial People's Congress on the Allocation of Seats and Election of Deputies to the 13th Jiangsu Provincial People's Congress, all 808 deputies to the 13th Jiangsu Provincial People's Congress were duly elected by the province's electoral units, including the prefecture-level municipalities across Jiangsu Province and Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) units stationed in Jiangsu, among other electoral units.
The list of deputies to the 13th Jiangsu Provincial People's Congress is hereby published.
Standing Committee of the Jiangsu Provincial People's Congress
January 24, 2018PLA units stationed in Jiangsu Province (30 deputies)
Wang Jundong, Wang Jialiang, Qiu Zhijun, Ye Shaojun
Xu Xiaoyun, Sun Zhanxiu, Li Shao, Li Kerang
Yan Wenyuan, Zhang Xuejie, Chen Wenwei, Chen Jinchao
Zhou Daolei, Fang Yiwang, Xiang Hong (female)
Hu Yaoxing, Hu Jiayou, Li Bin, Zhao Tiehai
Yuan Shibin, Gao Xun, Cao Yin, Cao Xinmin
Chang Xinsheng, Tu Jinshi, Han Tao, Miu Yi
Fan Xintai, Ju Xin, Dai Xuezhi
江苏省人民代表大会常务委员会公告
江苏省第十三届人民代表大会代表名额808名。根据《中华人民共和国全国人民代表大会和地方各级人民代表大会选举法》、《中国人民解放军选举全国人民代表大会和县级以上地方各级人民代表大会代表的办法》和江苏省第十二届人民代表大会常务委员会第三十二次会议《关于江苏省第十三届人民代表大会代表名额分配和选举问题的决定》的规定，已经由全省各设区市和解放军驻江苏部队等选举单位选举产生808名江苏省第十三届人民代表大会代表。...现将江苏省第十三届人民代表大会代表名单予以公布。
江苏省人民代表大会常务委员会
2018年1月24日
解放军驻江苏部队（30名）
王军东 王家梁 仇志军 叶少军
许晓云 孙湛修 李少 李克让
严文缘 张学杰 陈文炜 陈进朝
周道雷 房益旺 相红（女）
胡尧兴 胡家友 郦 斌 赵铁海
袁士彬 高汛 曹 寅 曹新民
常新生 屠金仕 韩 涛 缪 毅
樊新太 鞠鑫 戴学志
1. The Myth of Regional Election: Who Does Gao Xun Really Represent?
Despite holding a seat in the Jiangsu Provincial People's Congress, Gao Xun was never selected, voted for, or endorsed by the citizens of Jiangsu.
In China, military delegates in local and national people's congresses bypass civilian electoral systems entirely. Under the "Law on Elections for the National People's Congress and Local People's Congresses of the PLA," military personnel hold separate, internal elections.
Gao Xun’s trajectory highlights how disconnected these appointments are from regional representation:
- September 2016: Gao Xun served as the inaugural Political Commissar of the Xining Joint Logistics Support Center in western China (Qinghai Province), where he personally received the military flag from CCP General Secretary Xi Jinping in Beijing.
- Late 2017: He was abruptly transferred thousands of miles east to become the Political Commissar of the Wuxi Joint Logistics Support Center.
- Early 2018: Immediately following his relocation, he was placed into the 13th Jiangsu Provincial People's Congress as a representative of the "troops stationed in Jiangsu."
Gao Xun was not a representative of the Jiangsu people; he was an active-duty political commissar dispatched by the Central Military Commission (CMC) to ensure that the military’s voice—and the Party's absolute authority—was stamped onto provincial legislation.
2. "Absolute Loyalty": The Mandate of New Quality Logistics
In May 2020, during the first official CCP Party Congress of the PLA Wuxi Joint Logistics Support Center, Gao Xun delivered a keynote work report that revealed the true priorities of these military delegates.
Gao’s report focused heavily on ideological alignment and wartime readiness. He demanded strict execution of "Chairman Xi's instructions and orders" to forge a "New Quality Force" (Xin Zhi Liangliang) in joint logistics.
Within the CCP's strategic framework, "joint logistics" is no longer just about moving food and ammunition. It incorporates advanced medical defense, biological security, and modern supply chain integration tailored to support the Eastern Theater Command—the primary military command responsible for operations facing Taiwan and the East China Sea.
3. The Shadow of Biological Weapon Research: The Wuxi-Nanjing-Zhoushan Link
The true significance of Gao Xun’s oversight lies within the specialized military institutions managed under his jurisdiction. The Wuxi Joint Logistics Support Center commands the medical, logistical, and military medicine infrastructure of the entire East China region.
Directly nested within this chain of command is the Disease Prevention and Control Center of the Eastern Theater Command (formerly known as the Nanjing Military Region Institute of Military Medicine).
When the media networks of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) report on military conferences, the untrained eye sees only sterile, bureaucratic communist jargon. But to those who understand the blood-stained history of the regime, these texts contain a chilling double-meaning.
In May 2020, as the world was reeling from the catastrophic onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, the People's Liberation Army Joint Logistics Support Force held a highly publicized event: the First Party Congress of the Wuxi Joint Logistics Support Center. Presiding over this meeting was Gao Xun, the Political Commissar of the center and a hand-picked puppet sitting inside the Jiangsu Provincial People’s Congress.
In his keynote address, Gao Xun repeatedly boasted that this congress was being held at a "special historical juncture"—specifically, a time when the nation had achieved a "Major Strategic Success in the Epidemic Prevention and Control Barrier War."
To the democratic world, this was viewed as standard domestic propaganda regarding lockdowns. But the correct, uncensored interpretation of the CCP military’s logic reveals a far more sinister reality: The military junta was celebrating the fact that they had successfully developed, weaponized, and leaked a global pathogen, crippled the naval readiness of the United States military, and entirely evaded international accountability.
To understand why Gao Xun's report used the term "strategic success," one must look at the specific bioterror infrastructure under his direct command. As the Political Commissar of the Wuxi Joint Logistics Support Center, Gao Xun oversaw the entire military medical and preventative defense apparatus of the Eastern Theater Command—the frontline force aimed directly at Taiwan and the Pacific.
Directly nested within Gao’s chain of command was the Disease Prevention and Control Center of the Eastern Theater Command (formerly known as the Nanjing Military Region Institute of Military Medicine). This is the exact military lab that spent years—specifically between 2015 and 2017—harvesting, isolating, and genetic-sequencing the infamous Zhoushan Bat Coronaviruses (ZC45 and ZXC21).
When the pandemic exploded globally in early 2020, it was Gao Xun’s logistics and medical units that managed the lockdown data and the classification of pathogen research. In the eyes of the Central Military Commission (CMC), the deployment of this biological chaos was an unqualified success. By the time Gao Xun stood at the podium in May 2020, the virus had successfully spread across every continent, paralyzed global economies, and forced the USS Theodore Roosevelt aircraft carrier out of service due to a massive onboard outbreak. The fact that American power was docked and bleeding while Beijing remained unpunished was, in the literal sense of PLA doctrine, a masterstroke of asymmetric warfare—a "Major Strategic Success."
The horror of this system is fully realized when we connect Gao Xun's military crimes to his seat in the Jiangsu Provincial People's Congress.
As established, Gao Xun was never elected by the citizens of Jiangsu. He was an active-duty political commissar placed into the legislature by the CMC. The CCP utilizes a dual-track manipulation system to ensure the military controls the state.
The Dual-Track Manipulation: How the Military Junta Controls the National Legislature
The composition of China’s National People’s Congress (NPC) is engineered through a sophisticated, dual-track mechanism designed by the CCP's Central Military Commission (CMC) to ensure total militarization of the national legislature:
Track One: Direct Selection of the Armed Core. In the first track, the PLA and the People's Armed Police operate an isolated, internal electoral system completely severed from civilian oversight. Dictated directly by the CMC, the military apparatus selects its own loyal cadres to form the PLA and Armed Police Delegation. This group stands as the largest, most disciplined, and weaponized single bloc within the National People's Congress in Beijing, answering exclusively to the military junta led by Xi Jinping.
Track Two: Indirect Contamination of Civilian Delegations. The second, more insidious track occurs at the provincial level. While local civilian delegates to the NPC are elected by provincial congresses, these provincial congresses are heavily infiltrated by military representatives (such as Gao Xun in the Jiangsu Congress). These "local" military delegates use their institutional weight, disciplined voting blocks, and the political leverage of the garrison forces to influence and condition the election of civilian national delegates. Regional politicians, tech billionaires, and university presidents must cater to military demands—such as prioritizing Civil-Military Fusion and wartime logistics—to secure their national seats.
The Structural Consequence: Through this dual-track architecture, the CMC achieves total hegemony over the state legislature. It directly installs a massive army bloc inside the NPC, while simultaneously using its provincial implants to weed out independent civilian voices and ensure that the ostensibly "civilian" regional delegations are pre-militarized, co-opted, and fully broken to the will of the gun-barrel long before they ever arrive in Beijing.
When the military requires legal cover and financial laundering for its bioweapon research and subsequent cover-ups, this co-opted legislature swings into action. Just as the NPC did in 1990—when it rubber-stamped the bloody suppression of students during the Tiananmen Square Massacre (8964), silenced the victims, and retroactively approved the military budget for the slaughter—the NPC in 2020 served as a legal laundry machine.
The NPC does not operate like the U.S. Congress; it has no independent Judiciary Committee that respects due process. Instead, the NPC acts as a supreme kangaroo court. On the command of the CMC, the delegates voted unanimously to approve the government and military budgets, effectively funding the continuation of high-risk pathogen manipulation and ensuring that no independent, international tracing teams could ever audit the Nanjing or Wuhan labs.
Conclusion: The Convergence of Power
The political portfolio of Gao Xun demonstrates that China’s People's Congresses are not democratic forums, but mechanisms for synchronizing state, Party, and military power.
By placing active-duty commanders and political commissars—who oversee sensitive military medical centers and strategic logistics commands—into local legislatures, the CCP ensures that the civilian apparatus remains completely subservient to the military goals of the regime. Gao Xun's seat in the Jiangsu Congress is a stark reminder that in the CCP's governance model, the "gun-barrel" always commands the legislative pen.
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